## The Tumultuous End of a Radicalized President
In the final days of his tenure as President of the Republic, Andrés Manuel López Obrador is shaking up the political landscape. With the majority he controls in the Chamber of Deputies and enough political power to sway a few senators for crucial votes, he has agitated a significant sector of the country, especially university students (both public and private) who have risen in defense of the Judiciary, which he aims to subordinate to populist presidential rule through a constitutional reform.
Following his last state address, situations spiraled out of control when, deliberately, the President made several provocative statements aimed at those he considers adversaries unhappy with his public policies. These statements particularly pertain to the controversial constitutional reforms he sent to the Legislature in February 2024. The most disputed reforms include the Judiciary reform proposing the direct election of judges and magistrates, the militarization of security by transferring the National Guard from the Secretariat of Public Security to the Secretariat of National Defense, and the dissolution of autonomous bodies like the National Institute for Access to Information.
In his last days at the National Palace, confident in his majority and high popularity as he prepares to leave office, the President has been radicalizing. He has even deliberately distorted public information to frame it in his favor, which has evidently worked. His bold claim that Mexico’s healthcare system surpasses Denmark’s celebrated public health services was met with significant applause, though he admitted two days later it was a provocation to “stir things up” so his adversaries would have something to criticize.
The reality is that the President does not need to stir things up; the issues are evident. His term will end with 200,000 deaths due to insecurity and cartel violence—an issue he failed to combat, favoring his policy of “hugs, not bullets.” This allowed cartels to grow, seize more Mexican territory, and expand their criminal reach into other countries.
The Sinaloa Cartel particularly thrived in northern Mexico and drug trafficking to the United States. In Mexico, neither López Obrador’s Secretariat of Security nor the National Guard, managed and operated by Sedena without legal authorization, succeeded in tackling the cartel. Investigations into the cartel mainly came from U.S. authorities like the DEA or the Department of Justice. In a notable and unprecedented move, President López Obrador ordered the release of Ovidio Guzmán López in October 2019, even after he was captured by security forces led by Alfonso Durazo. Guzmán was later re-arrested and extradited to the United States. Similarly, Ismael Zambada García, another founder of the Sinaloa Cartel, was treated as a victim by the government and granted leniency, even as those who captured him were prosecuted for treason. Mexico has not requested Zambada’s extradition despite his long history of criminal activity.
Mexico under López Obrador is more insecure than before. He far exceeded the crime and violence statistics of previous administrations and failed to fulfill his promise to reduce cartel violence, an issue now passed on to his successor at an elevated level. With the political upheaval stirred by the outgoing President, the incoming president-elect has taken a short break, leaving López Obrador to bear the political cost while setting the stage for her control over the Judiciary. The reform, aiming to elect judges and magistrates via direct vote rather than merit-based proposals and competitions, is unlikely to eliminate corruption in the Judiciary; it may well worsen it due to exposure to electoral campaigns funded by potentially illicit sources, paving the way for biased judges. The reform would, however, benefit the Executive branch by enabling more control over the Judiciary, centralizing power with the Presidency.
Mexico now faces a significant political crisis fueled by provocative rhetoric from the National Palace. The President’s recklessness—aided by his legislative majority, high popularity, and his successor’s electoral win—has led to claims like celebrating no journalist murders during his term, despite Artículo 19 recording 47 journalist killings, making Mexico one of the most dangerous countries for journalism. Such statements starkly contrast the grim reality of impunity and ongoing threats.
This period of darkness under a radicalized populist aims to dismantle the rule of law, division of powers, and independent checks, leaving a legacy of authoritarianism in a country that has glimpsed democracy. The consequences of this imposed change will be without precedent.
## Secondary Article:
### Judge Approves Transfer of ‘El Mayo’ to New York for Trial
In recent updates, a Texas judge has approved the transfer of Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada, a key figure of the Sinaloa Cartel, to New York to stand trial. This decision follows previous refusals and marks a significant step in ongoing international efforts to prosecute high-profile cartel leaders. Zambada’s transfer is expected to bolster the United States’ crackdown on organized crime stemming from Mexico. The approval underscores the international collaboration between the Mexican and U.S. law enforcement agencies in countering drug trafficking and related offenses.
### Continuing Wildfire in Cerro Azul, Tecate
A significant wildfire continues to ravage Cerro Azul in Tecate, despite ongoing efforts to control it. Emergency services have been tirelessly working to contain the blaze, reflecting the challenges faced in managing wildfires during this hot and dry season. The local community remains on high alert as authorities coordinate evacuation measures and resource allocation to safeguard residents and properties.
Stay tuned to TJGringo.com for more updates and in-depth coverage of these developing stories.