Bartlett and the Murky Past

Recent declassified U.S. documents implicate former Mexican official Manuel Bartlett Díaz in protecting drug traffickers in the 1980s, adding a new layer to the ongoing conversation on corruption in Mexican politics.

### Bartlett: The Evolution of Untouchability

At the start of the 1990s, in a newsroom on the Tijuana border, we editors used to joke: “What if we asked Manuel Bartlett Díaz for an interview in San Diego?” We were certain—or at least strongly suspected—that the powerful Secretary of Education at the start of Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s presidency dared not set foot in the United States for fear of being arrested.

Rumors spread at the time that American authorities had decided that crossing the border would lead to the arrest of the PRI politician on suspicion of involvement in the assassination of DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena in Mexico five years prior, in February 1985. Despite this, Bartlett never crossed the border, and the U.S. did not issue an arrest warrant or even publicly label him as a person of interest in one of their most publicized investigations: the murder of Camarena. This case has inspired numerous books, reports, documentaries, and series, invariably featuring a shadowy, unidentified character linked to politics and government, who ends up protecting drug traffickers and those involved in the murder of the undercover police officer investigating the Guadalajara Cartel.

Many assume this character to be Manuel Bartlett, who in 1985 served as the Secretary of the Interior during the presidency of Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado. The figure who obstructs investigations and protects criminals in the Camarena case embodies traits attributed to Bartlett, as well as to General Juan Arévalo Gardoqui, who was the Secretary of Defense in the same administration and was also suspected of mafia protection at the time.

Bartlett’s image is not confined to suspicions surrounding Camarena’s murder. In 1984, journalist Manuel Buendía Tellezgirón was assassinated. Buendía was known for his investigative reporting on espionage, DEA operations in Mexico, and corruption in high political spheres. Two years later, in February 1986, another death occurred under suspicious circumstances: that of journalist, politician, and former governor of Yucatán Carlos Loret de Mola Mediz. Loret de Mola’s son, Rafael Loret de Mola, has claimed it was a state crime and has blamed Bartlett since then.

Fast forward to the 2000s, during a major event at Mexico City’s Plaza de Toros, an ostracized Bartlett attended with his wife. Upon his arrival, Rafael Loret de Mola publicly accused him, shouting, “Bartlett, you’re a murderer! Murderer, murderer!” Bartlett did not react, continuing his way stoically, ignoring the cries of anguish for justice from the journalist.

One of Bartlett’s most infamous blunders came in 1988. As Secretary of the Interior, he led the Federal Electoral Commission during the presidential elections, which introduced a new preliminary results system. The race was between PRI’s Carlos Salinas de Gortari and Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano of the National Democratic Front, with Manuel Clouthier representing PAN. When Cárdenas was leading, the counting system “crashed.” Once “restored,” the results favored Salinas, casting lasting doubts on the election’s integrity.

Despite these controversies, Bartlett prospered politically and financially. He became the governor of Puebla and held multiple state secretarial positions. His fortune grew along with his notoriety. When President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who had fought against the election fraud in 1988, took office and launched his “Fourth Transformation,” Bartlett resurfaced. López Obrador appointed him to head the Federal Electricity Commission, ignoring ongoing allegations of corruption and nepotism.

As the López Obrador administration nears its end, with Bartlett set to retire from politics at 88, U.S. authorities declassified documents on Kiki Camarena’s murder. These documents suggest that Bartlett, as Secretary of the Interior, may have protected drug traffickers, though they stop short of calling for his prosecution.

In conclusion, Bartlett, standing alongside López Obrador, has transitioned from an untouchable figure in PRI politics to an untouchable figure in Morena politics. And certainly, he would not give interviews—especially not in San Diego, California.

### Additional Developments in the Bartlett Case

#### Recent Developments on the Kiki Camarena Murder

In a new twist, declassified U.S. documents shed light on the suspected involvement of Mexican officials in the protection of narcotics activities. Among these officials is former Secretary of the Interior Manuel Bartlett Díaz.

The documents reveal that between 1985 to 1986, U.S. investigators consistently suspected high-level Mexican government officials, including Bartlett, of enabling drug traffickers. Although the documents do not conclusively prove Bartlett’s culpability, they reinforce previous theories of his involvement in ensuring drug lords’ immunity and obstructing investigations.

This revelation has reignited debates about historical injustices and corruption in Mexican politics. It has also called into question the integrity of several past administrations and their complicity with criminal networks. As reopening the case is a complex matter involving statute limitations and political sensitivities, only time will tell if Bartlett or any other individuals implicated will face any form of accountability for their alleged actions over three decades ago.

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