### Increasing Allegations Against Militarized Police Force in Baja California
In a chain of alarming incidents involving the militarized police force, dubbed the National Guard (GN), several egregious acts have been reported in Baja California. Appointed by the outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the GN has been implicated in a broad range of criminal activities.
Throughout 2023, GN officers participated in various unlawful operations. In Tijuana’s El Lago neighborhood, they were involved in a drug robbery. In June, GN elements reportedly stole $17,000 from a safe in the residence of a brothel manager and were later involved in the abduction and subsequent murder of seven men. April saw them extorting money from a hotel and escorting traffickers near the border. In the Mexicali Valley, GN members were also caught stealing drugs.
The previous year, 2022, brought more grave accusations. In June, a GN commander assisted in the escape of a drug dealer who had killed a GN member in Tijuana. There were also claims of sexual assault during a raid in Rosarito and another drug theft in November from a recycling plant in Tijuana.
Each GN patrol typically comprises seven officers, and in some cases, two patrols were implicated in these crimes. Thus far, only one GN member, involved in the November 2023 drug theft, has been prosecuted. None have been tried in military courts concerning these allegations.
The breadth of these incidents underscores the urgent concerns surrounding the recent approval of a National Guard reform on August 22, 2024, which is set to be enacted in September. Initially promised by López Obrador to ensure GN members would be tried as civilians, the reform now stipulates military tribunals. This change means the public and victims will no longer have insights into the judicial proceedings until they are concluded, compounding the existing opacity caused by the disbanding of autonomous organs through other reforms.
Regardless of the label, the GN operates as a militarized police force, engaging in public security and crime investigations under the command of the Ministry of National Defense (Sedena). GN personnel, originally from military backgrounds, will replace former federal police, with Sedena overseeing the budget and strategy.
There’s an apparent neglect in acknowledging that military personnel, trained for armed conflict, utilize force-oriented strategies differing significantly from civilian-focused approaches. Since September 2022, organizations like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the United Nations Human Rights Commission have urged legislators to halt the militarization of public security.
National media report these organizations remind deputies that the National Human Rights Commission had documented nearly 4,000 complaints against Sedena, Marina, and GN from 2014 through 2022, including grave human rights violations such as extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, torture, and arbitrary detentions.
The militarization trend began in 2006 with former President Felipe Calderón’s war on drugs, deploying military forces to combat organized crime and other special operations. However, militarizing public security poses significant risks when handling public demonstrations and civil movements, potentially echoing the tragic events like the student movement repression in 1968.
The past 18 years of progressive militarization have failed to curb rising insecurity, as evidenced by the increasing number of violent deaths: 120,635 homicides under Calderón and 196,684 under López Obrador.
In Congress, with a majority ready to support the reform, it’s incumbent upon legislators to rigorously analyze the proposal and consult their voters. They must scrutinize the militarization outcomes to make informed decisions. Their responsibility lies in proposing amendments and safeguards to protect society.
It’s a matter of time to see whether lawmakers prioritize public security or appease incoming President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo.
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### Related News: Widespread Calls Against Militarization in Mexico
Amidst escalating concerns over public security militarization, advocacy and human rights organizations continue to voice strong opposition.
Since September 2022, various international bodies, including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the UN Human Rights Commission, have called on Mexican lawmakers to deride ongoing militarization efforts. These entities highlight that the militarized approach fails to guarantee citizen safety and often exacerbates human rights abuses.
In a stark reminder, the National Human Rights Commission documented close to 4,000 complaints between 2014 and 2022 against military agencies for severe human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, torture, and arbitrary detentions. This data further underscores the systemic issues within militarized policing frameworks.
Public security’s militarization traces back to President Felipe Calderón’s tenure starting in 2006, initiating the armed forces’ deployment against drug cartels. However, rather than reducing violence, this strategy has correlated with an increasing number of violent deaths over successive administrations.
As President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s reforms driving deeper militarization face affirmation, the debate intensifies regarding the implications for civil liberties and human rights. Lawmakers face pivotal decisions in crafting policies that either perpetuate existing frameworks or pivot towards more transparent and humane approaches to public security. The coming months will be crucial in defining the trajectory of security and human rights in Mexico.